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. European Council,NominatorEuropean CouncilAppointerEuropean ParliamentFive years, renewableConstituting instrumentFormation1 January 1958First holderDeputySalary306,655 annuallyWebsiteThe president of the European Commission is the head of the, the executive branch of the. The president of the Commission leads a cabinet of Commissioners, referred to as the college, collectively accountable to the. The president is empowered to allocate portfolios amongst, reshuffle or dismiss Commissioners as necessary.

The college directs the Commission's civil service, sets the policy agenda and determines the legislative proposals it produces. (The Commission is the only body that can propose.)The president of the Commission also represents the EU abroad, together with the and the.The post was established in 1958.

Each new president is nominated by the and formally elected by the European Parliament, for a five-year term.In July 2019, the nominated to succeed, and she was elected the 13th president of the European Commission by the on 16 July. Juncker will continue to lead the Commission until the newly elected president takes office on 1 November 2019. The first President of the Commission Establishment The present Commission was established by the in 1957; it also replaced the High Authority and the Commission of in 1967. The Commission's first president was (see ) who started consolidating and began to impact on national legislation. National governments at first took little heed of his administration, with the president having to stamp the Commission's authority early on. With the aid of the, the Commission began to be taken more seriously.In 1965, Hallstein put forward his proposals for the, which would give the Community its own financial resources while giving more power to the Commission and Parliament and removing the veto power over Agriculture in the Council.

These proposals led to an immediate backlash from France. Hallstein knew the proposals would be contentious, and took personal charge of drafting them, over-riding the. However he did gain the support of Parliament through his proposals to increase its powers, and he also presented his policy to Parliament a week before he submitted them to the Council. He aimed to demonstrate how he thought the Community ought to be run, in the hopes of generating a wave of pro-Europeanism big enough to get past the objections of member states. However, in this it proved that, despite its past successes, Hallstein was overconfident in his risky proposals. Opened the first enlargement talks with Denmark, Ireland, Norway and the United KingdomIn reaction to Hallstein's proposals and actions, then-, who was sceptical of the rising supranational power of the Commission, accused Hallstein of acting as if he were a.

France eventually withdrew its representative from the Council, triggering the notorious 'empty chair crisis'. Although this was resolved under the ', Hallstein became the scapegoat for the crisis. The Council refused to renew his term, despite his being the most 'dynamic' leader until.

1967–1985 Hallstein's work did position the Commission as a substantial power. The presidents were involved in the major political projects of the day in the 1970s, such as the.

In 1970, President secured the Community's own financial resources and in 1977, President became the first Commission president to attend a summit on behalf of the Community.However, owing to problems such as the and the, economic hardship reduced the priority of European integration, with only the president trying to keep the idea alive. The member states had the upper hand, and they created the to discuss topical problems, yet the Council was unable to keep the major projects on track such as the. The Community entered a period of, owing to economic difficulties and disagreements on the, and by the time of the the president was unable to exert his influence to any significant extent.

Presidentialism. (left) breathed new life into the European Commission Presidency after a period of 'eurosclerosis' under his predecessor, (right)However, the Commission began to recover under President '. He is seen as the most successful president, being credited with having given the Community a sense of direction and dynamism. The noted the work of Delors at the end of his second term in 1992: 'Mr. Delors rescued the European Community from the doldrums.

He arrived when Europessimism was at its worst. Although he was a little-known (outside France) finance minister and former MEP, he breathed life and hope into the EC and into the dispirited Brussels Commission.

In his first term, from 1985 to 1988, he rallied Europe to the call of the single market, and when appointed to a second term he began urging Europeans toward the far more ambitious goals of economic, monetary and political union.' But Delors not only turned the Community around, he signalled a change in the Presidency.

Before he came to power, the Commission president still was a position of; when he left office, he was the undisputed icon and leader of the Community. His tenure had produced a strong Presidency and a strong Commission as the president became more important. Following treaties cemented this change, with the president being given control over the allocation of portfolios and being able to force the resignation of Commissioners. When President took office with the new powers of the, he was dubbed by the press as Europe's first Prime Minister.

President Delors' work had increased the powers of Parliament, whose support he had enjoyed. However, later Commissions did not enjoy the same support, and in 1999, the European Parliament used its powers to force the to resign. Parliamentary oversight. Was dubbed by the press as 'Europe's first Prime Minister' due to his new powersHistorically, the Council appointed the Commission president and the whole body by unanimity without input from Parliament. However, with the in 1993, the European Parliament, the body elected directly by the citizens of the European Union, gained the right to be consulted on the appointment of the president and to veto the Commission as a whole. Parliament decided to interpret its right to be consulted as a right to veto the president, which the Council reluctantly accepted. This right of veto was formalised in the.

The changed the Council's vote from a unanimous choice to one that merely needed a. This meant that the weight of the Parliament in the process increased resulting in a quasi- where one group could be in government. This became evident when numerous candidates were put forward in 2004, and a centre-right vote won out over left-wing groups, France and Germany., elected Commission president that year, was then forced to back down over his choice of Commissioners, owing to Parliament's threat that it would not approve his Commission.In 2009, the endorsed Barroso as its candidate for Commission president, and the EPP subsequently retained its position as largest party in that year's election. The Socialists responded by pledging to put forward a rival candidate at future elections. Once again, Barroso was forced by Parliament to make a change to his proposed Commission, but eventually received assent.

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However, in exchange for approval, Parliament forced some concessions from Barroso in terms of Parliamentary representation at Commission and international meetings. On 7 September 2010, Barroso gave the first US-style to Parliament, which focused primarily on the EU's economic recovery and human rights. The speech was to be annual. Appointment. From the which was the largest party after the 2004 and 2009 electionsArticle 17 of the, as amended by the, lays out the procedure for appointing the president and their team. The votes by for a nominee for the post of President, of the latest. This proposal is then put before Parliament which must approve or veto the appointment.

If an absolute majority of MEPs support the nominee, they are elected. The president then, together with the Council, puts forward their team to the Parliament to be scrutinised. The Parliament normally insists that each one of them appear before the parliamentary committee that corresponds to their prospective portfolio for a public hearing. The Parliament then votes on the Commission as a whole; if approved, the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, appoints the president and their team to office. Transparency Qualified majority in the Council has led to more candidates being fielded while there has been greater politicisation due to the involvement of Parliament and the change of policy direction in the EU from the creation of the to reform of it. However, despite this, the choice within the Council remains largely behind closed doors.

During the appointment of Santer, discussions were kept (private), with the media relying on insider leaks. MEPs were angry with the process, against the spirit of consultation that the new EU treaty brought in. MEP, leader of the, stated that her group thought 'Parliament should refuse to condone a practice which so sullies the democratic process'. There were similar deals in 1999 and 2004 saw a repeat of Santer's appointment when Barroso was appointed through a series of secret meetings between leaders with no press releases on the negotiations being released. This was sharply criticised by MEPs such as the leader who described the procedure as a ' carpet market' producing only the 'lowest common denominator'; while co-leader asked Barroso after his first speech 'If you are the best candidate, why were you not the first?'

Criteria Number of Presidents by member stateStatePresidents.The president of the European Commission is the most powerful position in the European Union, controlling the Commission which collectively has the on (only on matters delegated to it by member states for collective action, as determined by the treaties) and is responsible for ensuring its enforcement. The president controls the policy agenda of the Commission for their term and in practice no policy can be proposed without the president's agreement.The role of the president is to lead the Commission, and give direction to the Commission and the Union as a whole. The treaties state that 'the Commission shall work under the political guidance of its president' (Article 219 ), this is conducted through their calling and chairing of meetings of the college of Commissioners, their and the meetings of the heads of each commissioner's cabinet (the Hebdo). The president may also force a Commissioner to resign.

The work of the Commission as a body is based on the principle of, however in their powers they act as more than a. The role of the president is similar to that of a national Prime Minister chairing a cabinet.The president also has responsibility for representing the Commission in the Union and beyond. For example, they are a member of the and takes part in debates in Parliament and the Council of Ministers.

Outside the Union they attend the meetings of the to represent the Union. However, in foreign affairs, the president does have to compete with several Commissioners with foreign affairs related portfolios: the and the.The presidential system had started to develop since and has since been cemented. However, externally they are still dependent on support from the Council and Parliament. Delors had enjoyed the Parliament's and the Council's support for his whole term, during which, through treaty changes, the Parliament increased in powers and, through the accession of new Member States, the Council increased in membership. The membership is now so large the president is increasingly unable to garner the support of all the states, even though the job is supposed to try to keep everyone happy. The Parliament now has more powers over the Commission and can reject its proposals, although the Commission has little power over Parliament, such as the ability to dissolve it to call new elections.The president's office is on the top, 13th, floor of the in Brussels.

The president receives their political guidance from their, the head of which acts as a political bodyguard for the president. Such factors can lead to an isolation of the president from outside events.

For the the president has a very high status, due to their immense authority and symbolism within the body. The president exercises further authority through the.

The former has the power to strike down proposals on legal technicalities while the latter organises meetings, and minutes. The president's control over these areas gives them further political tools when directing the work of the Commission. This has also increased the presidential style of the Commission president.With the reorganisation of leading EU posts under the, there was some criticism of each post's vague responsibilities. Ukrainian ambassador to the EU Andriy Veselovsky praised the framework and clarified it in his own terms: The Commission president speaks as the EU's 'government' while the is a 'strategist'. The High Representative specialises in 'bilateral relations' while the deals in technical matters such as the free trade agreement with Ukraine. The meanwhile articulates the EU's values.The MEP and author of several EU text books has suggested that, instead of every EU institution having a 'president', it would have been clearer if they had been named differently, with a 'Speaker' of the Parliament, a 'Governor' of the Central Bank, a 'Chairman' of the (ordinary) Council of Ministers, a 'president' of the European Council, and a 'Prime Commissioner'.Relationship to the President of the European Council.

Having both a Commission president (Barroso, left) and a European Council president (Van Rompuy, right) led to concerns over confusion and infightingDespite the recent presidential style, the president has also begun to lose ground to the larger member states as countries such as France, Italy, the UK and Germany seek to sideline its role. This may increase with the recent creation of the permanent. There has been disagreement and concern over competition between the president of the European Council Van Rompuy and the Commission president Barroso due to the vague language of the treaty.

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Some clarifications see Van Rompuy as the 'strategist' and Barroso as a. In terms of economic planning Van Rompuy saw the Commission as dealing with the content of the plan and the European Council as dealing with the means and implementing it.

Despite weekly breakfasts together there was a certain extent of rivalry between the two, as well as with the High Representative. At international summits, both presidents go at the same time to represent the Union, with, in principle, the Commission president speaking on economic questions and the European Council president on political questions, although this division is often hard to maintain in practice.Although there are concerns that this competition with the new European Council president would lead to increased infighting, there are provisions for combining the two offices. The European Council president may not hold a national office, such as a Prime Minister of a member state, but there is no such restraint on European offices.

So the Commission president, who already sits in the European Council, could also be appointed as its president. This would allow the European Council to combine the position, with its powers, of both executive bodies into a single. Privileges of office The basic monthly salary of the president is fixed at 138% of the top civil service grade which, in 2013, amounted to €25,351 per month or €304,212 per year plus an allowance for a residence equal to 15% of salary as well as other allowances including for children's schooling and household expenses. List of presidents This section firstly presents a lists over presidents of the three executives that were merged in 1967 following the, namely the of the (from 1952), and the commissions of the and the (both from 1958). Secondly, a list is given over the presidents after the merger, when the single position presided over the Commission of the European Communities, until 2009 when the renamed of the institution, creating the president of the European Commission.SignedIn force19672009.

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